That being
said, a number of people have noted a pattern.
That pattern is that the path from Ron Paul to Trump is not that
long. Nor is this new. Ron Paul was an ally of Lew Rockwell and Murray Rothbard, who were remarkably well-disposed toward Pat Buchanan, and
worse. In fact, a lot of people have
noticed an ongoing journey from libertarianism (particularly the Mises
Institute wing) to the Alt Right. This
has been noticed, among others, by libertarians who have not made the journey. A number of them have looked for explanations
why this should be.
Some have
seen this simply as people who are looking for a way to be against the status
quo. Libertarianism was one such
opportunity, but when it did not prove crazy enough, they turned to the Alt
Right instead. There probably is some
truth in that, particularly among young, hard-core Alt Right types, but there
aren’t all that many of them. Another is
that racism has been so pervasive in our society for so long that it was, after
all, a bit naïve of libertarians to think they would be spared. Another suggestion, this one by a more
mainstream libertarian, is that libertarians in general have been a bit naïve
on the subject of race, assuming that all social ills will resolve if only
government stays out, and that any government attempt to interfere can only
make things worse. This has led honest,
non-racist libertarians (or semi-libertarians) like Milton Friedman or Barry
Goldwater or William Rehnquist to oppose anti-racist legislation, not out of
ill-will, but out of a mistaken understanding of society. That may be true, too, among the more
mainstream, more intellectual wing of libertarianism.
But I don’t
think either of them really explains a lot of Tea Party semi-libertarians who
ended up as Trump supporters. The answer
there, I think, is one that should make libertarians uneasy, one that shows how
easy it is to mistake what one commenter called the distinction between being
anti-state and anti-other.
So what is
the “other”? Well, we are getting into
jargon here, but this is basically the view of wanting to protect the
sovereignty and autonomy of one’s own group from any outside infringement. Its attitude toward government is
ambivalent. It basically sees government
as having one role only – to protect “us” from “them.” Government is always too impersonal and too
rule-bound to ever really be part of “us.”
And thus government is always to be opposed when it meddles in matters
among “us.” So to that extent it looks
anti-state. But the state should not be
under any constraints in its dealings with “them.”
This kind of
psychology can explain a lot. It
explains why right wing movements are so often fiercely nationalist, and so
fearful of anything that smacks of international cooperation. They are seeking to protect the autonomy and
sovereignty of their nation from infringement from outside nations. It also explains why in the context of US
politics, the same people are often strong supporters of states’ rights. Again, they are seeking to protect the
sovereignty and autonomy of their states from outside influences, including the
federal government, which deserves one’s support against foreign nations, but
look foreign when it starts to infringe on one’s state.
It explains Donald Trump’s appeal when he denounces immigrant crime, and talks about black crime in the most thinly-veiled code words. This creates the impression that his followers don’t really care how high the crime right is, so long as only white, native-born people are the ones committing it. And I suspect this is actually true. Crime committed by white people is an internal problem among Us that can be dealt with among Us without the need to involve the state. The state is needed only when We are menaced by Them.
It explains, I think, some of the fierce opposition from Trump supporters to Black Lives Matter. Black Lives Matter is an attack on the state’s only true, legitimate function – protecting Us from Them. It explains an attitude I have seen in conservative comments sections, condemning white, liberal urbanites who support Black Lives Matter. At best, they are inauthentic in pretending to care about people outside their own group when no one can possibly care about outsiders. At worst, they are race traitors for taking sides against their own. And there is a deep resentment implying that the only reason we need a police force at all is to protect people like them – white people intruding into the black realm of urban areas, and if only young white liberals would stay in the suburbs where they belong, there would (presumably) be no need for a police force, because white people could handle internal crime on their own, and black people are sub-human and not worthy of the state’s protection.
And I would say it should be considered in all criticisms of Black Lives Matter that ask about internal black crime in black neighborhoods. This isn’t just “whataboutism,” it is an accusation that black people just want the police, as outsiders, to withdraw and leave black neighborhoods’ internal crime problems as a matter to be handled among Us. And, in fairness to these critics, I am guessing that a lot of white liberals may be naïve on this matter, and that a lot of Black Lives Matter members probably do see things in these terms.
It explains Donald Trump’s appeal when he denounces immigrant crime, and talks about black crime in the most thinly-veiled code words. This creates the impression that his followers don’t really care how high the crime right is, so long as only white, native-born people are the ones committing it. And I suspect this is actually true. Crime committed by white people is an internal problem among Us that can be dealt with among Us without the need to involve the state. The state is needed only when We are menaced by Them.
It explains, I think, some of the fierce opposition from Trump supporters to Black Lives Matter. Black Lives Matter is an attack on the state’s only true, legitimate function – protecting Us from Them. It explains an attitude I have seen in conservative comments sections, condemning white, liberal urbanites who support Black Lives Matter. At best, they are inauthentic in pretending to care about people outside their own group when no one can possibly care about outsiders. At worst, they are race traitors for taking sides against their own. And there is a deep resentment implying that the only reason we need a police force at all is to protect people like them – white people intruding into the black realm of urban areas, and if only young white liberals would stay in the suburbs where they belong, there would (presumably) be no need for a police force, because white people could handle internal crime on their own, and black people are sub-human and not worthy of the state’s protection.
And I would say it should be considered in all criticisms of Black Lives Matter that ask about internal black crime in black neighborhoods. This isn’t just “whataboutism,” it is an accusation that black people just want the police, as outsiders, to withdraw and leave black neighborhoods’ internal crime problems as a matter to be handled among Us. And, in fairness to these critics, I am guessing that a lot of white liberals may be naïve on this matter, and that a lot of Black Lives Matter members probably do see things in these terms.
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